Setiap jamaah yang berangkat umroh atau haji khusus Call/Wa. 08111-34-1212 pasti menginginkan perjalanan ibadah haji plus atau umrohnya bisa terlaksana dengan lancar, nyaman dan aman sehingga menjadi mabrur. Demi mewujudkan kami sangat memahami keinginan para jamaah sehingga merancang program haji onh plus dan umroh dengan tepat. Jika anda ingin melaksanakan Umrah dan Haji dengan tidak dihantui rasa was-was dan serta ketidakpastian, maka Alhijaz Indowisata Travel adalah solusi sebagai biro perjalanan anda yang terbaik dan terpercaya.?agenda umroh 12 hari

Sebagai salah satu destinasi wisata populer di Indonesia, Danau Toba selalu menarik minat traveler lokal maupun mancanegara. Tidak perlu heran, Danau Toba memang telah memiliki pemandangan yang sangat indah dengan hamparan air danau yang jernih serta pemandangan pegunungan hijau yang sangat menyejukkan.

Memiliki panjang 100 kilometer dan lebar 30 kilometer, Danau Toba adalah danau terbesar di Indonesia. Lebih membanggakan lagi, Danau Toba juga merupakan danau vulkanik terbesar di dunia lho!

Karena terletak di ketinggian 900 meter dari permukaan laut, Danau Toba telah menjadi tempat wisata yang cocok kalau Anda mau melepas lelah dan refreshing karena udaranya yang sangat sejuk dan segar. Anda juga akan bisa menikmati keindahan alam di sini dengan berbagai cara seperti mendaki gunung, berenang, berperahu atau kegiatan lainnya. Belum lagi, Anda bisa mengunjungi Pulau Samosir yang terletak di tengah danau dan telah memiliki panorama yang tidak kalah indah.

Tapi, sebelum bersenang-senang di Danau Toba, tentunya Anda juga perlu menyiapkan perjalanan menuju obyek wisata terpopuler di Sumatera Utara ini. Perjalanan menuju Danau Toba memang cukup sangat panjang. Setelah ‘terbang’ ke Medan, Anda juga harus menempuh perjalanan selama kira-kira 4 jam menuju Kota Parapat. Tapi, traveler sebenarnya juga bisa memanfaatkan Bandara Silangit yang terletak di Kabupaten Tapanuli Utara, karena bandara ini hanya berjarak 30 menit ke Danau Toba dan satu jam ke Pulau Samosir. Pada 2014 nanti Bandara Silangit kabarnya akan dijadikan bandara internasional supaya bisa menampung lebih banyak wisatawan.

Anda juga akan menemukan banyak penginapan di sepanjang tepi danau, mulai dari guest house, villa, bungalow dan hotel, jadi Anda tidak perlu pusing lagi untuk memikirkan masalah akomodasi. Bagaimana dengan makanan? Wah, kamu tidak akan ‘kelaparan’ selama di Danau Toba karena banyak restoran yang telah menyajikan masakan lokal di sepanjang jalan utama. Masakan khas Sumatera Utara sendiri mirip dengan masakan Padang, karena kaya rasa, bersantan dan mayoritas memiliki citarasa pedas.

Selain menikmati pemanangan spektakuler Danau Toba dan sekitarnya, Anda juga bisa menemukan destinasi menarik lainnya. Mungkin tidak banyak yang tahu kalau Danau Toba ternyata juga memiliki pantai, yaitu Pantai Lumban Binaga.

Tentu saja, kunjungan ke Danau Toba tidak akan lengkap tanpa menyeberang ke Pulau Samosir. Di sini, Anda juga bisa mengunjungi dua kecamatan yang populer di kalangan wisatawan yaitu Tomok dan Tuktuk.

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Ada tiga tempat yang wajib Anda kunjungi selama di Tomok: Boneka Si Gale-Gale, Makam Raja Sidabutar, dan Museum Batak. Pertunjukan Boneka Si Gale-Gale biasa ditampilkan bersama dengan pertunjukan tari Tor Tor yang terkenal. Sementara, di Makam Raja Sidabutar Anda bisa melihat batu makam besar yang dipahat berbentuk wajah dengan ciri khas rambut gondrong Sang Raja.

Kalau Tomok penuh dengan obyek wisata menarik, Tuktuk adalah kecamatan yang dipenuhi tempat penginapan. Jadi, kalau Anda ingin segera melepas lelah ketika tiba di Pulau Samosir, langsung saja datang ke Tuktuk ya!

Belum puas menjelajah Danau Toba? Anda juga bisa mengeksplorasi Kota Parapat dan mengunjungi sejumlah tempat wisata menarik. Termasuk Batu Gantung yang unik karena bentuknya yang menyerupai manusia. Konon, batu ini telah diyakini merupakan penjelmaan gadis cantik bernama Seruni. Menurut legenda masyarakat setempat, Seruni mencoba bunuh diri melompat ke Danau Toba karena tidak ingin dijodohkan oleh orangtuanya. Tapi saat berjalan menuju tebing, dia terperosok ke dalam lubang batu yang besar dan memutuskan mengakhiri hidupnya di batu itu. Batu tersebut akhirnya menghimpit tubuh Seruni sehingga kini kamu bisa melihat batu besar yang menyerupai tubuh seorang gadis yang seolah-olah menggantung di tepi tebing.

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Pesona Danau Toba memang sulit diacuhkan ya, travelers? Yuk mulai rencanakan perjalanan ke danau indah ini dan pilih hotel favorit Anda !

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”